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Indian Law Resource Center
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Centro de Recursos Juridicos para los Pueblos Indigenas
- 602 North Ewing Street, Helena,
Montana 59601
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Washington Office
- 601 E Street,
S.E., Washington, D.C. 20003
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- Preliminary
Observations on the Draft Declaration as Tabled by the Nordic
Countries, New Zealand and Switzerland
- September 11,
2004
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This revised draft declaration makes a
number of relatively moderate changes to the Sub-Commission draft, with
no truly enormous changes. However, some of the changes included in
this draft are very significant and negative, mainly in the areas of
land rights and on the matter of indigenous legal systems. Many of the
proposed changes would improve or strengthen the draft in terms of
indigenous rights. Several articles are left without any changes.
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Following is a point by point discussion
or comment on the draft, including the commentary that the sponsoring
states submitted with the draft. The states’ commentary is shown in
italics.
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Bear in mind that this is only a
preliminary review of the draft. Further analysis could reveal
additional problems or questions.
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Preambular Paragraphs.
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The first five paragraphs are unchanged
from the Sub-Commission draft.
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Preambular Paragraph 6 is changed by
adding one additional source of right of indigenous peoples, namely,
“arrangements with States.” This apparently refers to agreements,
treaties or other such agreed-upon arrangements. This is implied in the
phrase “with states.” This change does not appear to have any
significant consequences, as it merely describes one of the sources of
the rights of indigenous peoples. However, it seems contradictory to
say that “inherent” rights can arise from arrangements with states.
Some correction appears to be needed.
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[Addition of the rights derived from
arrangements with States.]
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Preambular Paragraphs 7, 8, and 9 are
unchanged.
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Preambular Paragraph 10 is changed to
remove the idea that there is a “need” to demilitarize indigenous
territories and lands and that doing so “will” contribute to peace and
economic development. The sponsors’ comment is probably not a full
explanation. More likely, this paragraph was seen as a politically
motivated statement aimed at certain countries where armed conflict
existed in the 1970's and 1980's when the original draft was prepared.
There is no major practical significance to the change.
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[Demilitarisation might not
automatically contribute.]
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Preambular Paragraph 11 is changed to
explicitly protect the rights of children, as required by the Convention
on the Rights of the Child – signed by all countries except the United
States. This does not create any practical change in the meaning of the
paragraph.
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[Concept from Convention
on the Rights of the Child added to emphasise international human rights
context.]
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Preambular Paragraph 12 is unchanged.
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Preambular Paragraph 13 concerns the
question whether treaties between states and indigenous peoples give
rise to legal obligations under international law. The change removes
any implication that international law obligations are involved. This
is unfortunate, because in the case of some treaties with indigenous
peoples, there should be international legal obligations. This is
not true for every agreement or arrangement between states and
indigenous peoples. It is not possible to generalize. Nevertheless, it
is a loss to omit all reference to international legal responsibility in
the case of treaties that were entered into on an international basis.
The paragraph could include the phrase “and in some situations,
international responsibility.” This might restore the point.
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[International interest in these
matters is positive.]
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Preambular Paragraph 14 is unchanged.
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Preambular Paragraph 15 is changed by
adding language that would undermine or severely limit the right of
self-determination set out in Article 3. The language added requires
that self-determination be exercised in conformity with existing
principles of international law including the existing principles
contained in the declaration. These existing principles do not
now allow for a distinct right of self-determination for indigenous
peoples within countries – only for the right to participate in
self-determination as part of the whole people of the country.
This is not at all what indigenous leaders have been seeking. Some
advocates have proposed this language in the belief that existing
international law provides for or recognizes a distinct right of
self-determination for indigenous peoples within states. If
international law already provided such a right, our battle would be
easy. Sadly it does not, and as a result this new language would limit
indigenous peoples to only the very limited right of self-determination
as part of the whole people of the country.
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The reason why some indigenous
participants and Guatemala proposed this language was to serve as a
substitute for the territorial integrity language proposed by Norway
last year as a preambular paragraph. That territorial integrity
language is now proposed to be included as part of Article 3.
Therefore, there does not seem to be a strong reason for including this
provision in preambular paragraph 15.
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[Change reflects emerging consensus in
the working group.]
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Preambular Paragraphs 16, 17, and 18 are
unchanged.
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Preambular Paragraph 19 makes a very
general and possibly very significant change by stating that the
Declaration is a “standard of achievement to be pursued ...” It is not
clear what a “standard of achievement” is. This needs clarification by
the proposing states. It appears to mean something other than a
declaration of human rights. It is apparently something to be “pursued”
and not necessarily promoted and respected. Without question, all
human rights must be promoted and respected by States – not merely
“pursued.” This change seems connected to the idea proposed by several
states that the declaration should be a set of goals and aspirations
that need not be actually reached or achieved. This seems to be
inconsistent with the concept of human rights as something that must
be respected by states. Thus, this change may be inconsistent with the
whole aim of producing a declaration of human rights.
Though the amended language may have been inspired by the Universal
Declaration, it is not the same. The language of the Universal
Declaration leaves no doubt that the rights declared are to be promoted,
respected and achieved.
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[Inspiration from the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights.]
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Operative Articles
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The proposed change in Article 1 is
apparently a mistake in language. This change is apparently intended to
make the article apply to individual indigenous persons. It does not do
so. It makes the article apply to “individual” indigenous peoples.
This needs a good edit in English. It presents no problem otherwise.
However, Article 2 does all that appears necessary to protect individual
rights generally. There is no clear reason to make the change in
Article 1.
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[Clarification that rights apply to
both collective and individuals.]
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Article 2 is unchanged.
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Article 3 is changed by adding extensive
language from the Vienna Declaration adopted in 1993, the latest general
and universal statement on the law of self-determination. The effect of
adding this language appears to be only to assure that the right of
self-determination accorded by this article to indigenous peoples is not
used to secede from or break-up
existing states. This is not a change from existing law, but the
first part of Article 3 would recognize for the first time a
distinct right of self-determination for indigenous peoples within
existing states.
This proposed inclusion of language in Article 3 overcomes some of the
objections that were raised by some indigenous participants to the
Norway territorial integrity provision last year.
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[Based on A2 of the 1993 Vienna
Declaration and Programme of Action. Reflects latest developments in
the Working Group.]
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Article 4 is changed to remove reference
to indigenous peoples’ legal systems. This would be a serious set
back. The revised language would refer only to “legal characteristics”
of indigenous peoples. The power and right of indigenous peoples to
govern their own affairs is essentially meaningless if indigenous legal
systems are not recognized. It is unclear why there is a problem on
this point. Further discussion with the sponsoring states is called
for. This same problem exists in regard to Article 33.
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[Recognises legal characteristics of
indigenous societies but not separate legal systems, especially as many
do not have separate legal systems.]
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Article 5 is unchanged.
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Article 6 has been edited to clean up the
language. This needs to be carefully compared to the original. This
article appears to be slightly – not greatly – weaker because of the
omission of “under any pretext.”
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[Paragraph reordered to distinguish
between individual rights and collective rights (genocide applicable to
collective not individuals). Amendment based on A2(e) of the Genocide
Convention.]
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Article 7, also needs a careful
comparison. This version appears to be generally good and appears to
cover the same ground without relying on the words “ethnocide” and
“cultural genocide.” Sub-paragraph c is written in a way that would
appear to allow some “forced” populations transfers. This is a problem,
but maybe only a small one.
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[“and individuals” for consistency.
Amendment to clarify intention, as no agreed international definition
exists for “ethnocide” or “cultural genocide.” Genocide covered in A6.
A right to redress does not exist in international law but States should
be obliged to provide effective mechanisms for obtaining redress. In
‘c’ and ‘d’, addition of word “forced” for clarity. In ‘e’, additional
text (from CERD) to clarify meaning of propaganda.]
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Article 8 is unchanged.
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Article 9 is changed to avoid some
possible misunderstanding. This appears to be a reasonable change.
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[“Disadvantage” too broad – e.g. fewer
services in extremely rural settings. “adverse discrimination” from
CERD.]
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Article 10 is not changed.
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Article 11 removes the concept of “special
protection and security” for indigenous peoples in times of armed
conflict. It is not clear what the original meaning was. The change
does not appear to have major consequences. The change in the second
paragraph seems to be an improvement. However there is a major change
in the provision that originally forbad countries to draft indigenous
persons into the military. Certain restrictions are retained concerning
military service.
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[The Geneva conventions use “times”
rather than “periods”. While an unqualified right to special protection
is not supported, it is recognised that special protection may be
appropriate in some circumstances. Strengthen text by reference to all
relevant international standards (language as recommended in the 1994
technical review). Indigenous peoples should be treated equally with
all other citizens (eg conscription applies to all citizens). Some
indigenous peoples have argued that the scope should be broadened to
prevent direct use against own peoples. Consistent with international
law (language from UNGASS para 44.22)]
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Article 12 is changed to require
“redress” rather than “restitution” concerning cultural and religious
property. This is an improvement if “redress” includes
restitution as well as other remedies – as I believe it does.
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[There is support for use of the wider
term “redress” in place of “restitution” which may not always be
possible. Obligation placed on States is to provide effective
mechanisms for obtaining redress.]
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Article 13, limiting the rights to
“their” cultural objects and human remains, seems to be a useful
clarification.
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[No opposition to “their” ceremonial
objects when proposed for clarity in WGDD9. “their” added to human
remains for consistency.]
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Article 14 is unchanged.
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Article 15 is edited for clarity in its
first paragraph, without effecting any substantive change. The addition
of references to individuals in the second paragraph and third paragraph
seems to be an improvement and a broadening of the right to individuals
rather than just children. However, this is not an absolute right to
have the state provide all levels of education free. The addition of
“on the same basis as other members of society” makes this clear.
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[Emerging consensus on this article as
amended. Education is an individual right which should apply to all
individuals, not just children. Several members of the caucus supported
this change. Indigenous individuals have an equal rather than special
right (eg no right to free university education if this is not available
to all).]
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Article 16. The first paragraph of this
article is changed to say that the dignity and diversity of indigenous
cultures, traditions, histories and aspirations should be
appropriately reflected in education and public information, rather than
to state a clear, mandatory duty on the part of the state to assure that
this is done. The second paragraph requires states to combat prejudice
and discrimination rather than to actually eliminate it. Adding the
word “other” states or at least implies that indigenous peoples are a
“segment” of society.
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[Near consensus on this amended
article. This article as revised was among those considered for
provisional adoption at WGDD9.]
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Article 17 has been redrafted to combine
the first two sentences and to make the right of indigenous peoples to
establish their own media in their own languages subject to the phrase
“on the same basis as other members of society.” In the Sub-Commission
draft the right to establish media was not limited. The second
paragraph has an added provision calling upon states to encourage
privately owned media to adequately reflect indigenous “cultural
diversity.” This latter phrase should perhaps be changed to match the
analogous expression in Article 16: “cultures, traditions, histories and
aspirations.”
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[Near consensus on this amended
article. This article as revised was among those considered for
provisional adoption at WGDD9.]
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Article 18. The change of “peoples” to
“individuals” is apparently made because individuals rather than
peoples are usually the subject of international labor law or national
labor legislation. This is not always the case, as for example ILO
Convention 169. However, these proposed changes do not appear to have
any significant negative effect, and they would clarify the right of
indigenous individuals to be protected by applicable law. The second
paragraph is entirely new and is apparently based upon the Convention on
the Rights of the Child. The texts should be compared. The third
paragraph attempts to correct an awkward bit of drafting in the original
but adds a new awkwardness in its place. There appears to be no change
in meaning.
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[Near consensus on this amended
article which was set for provisional adoption at WGDD9 as amended.]
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Article 19 is unchanged.
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Article 20 has been changed to say that
indigenous peoples have the right to be “actively involved” in devising
legislation or administrative measures that may affect them. This is
apparently intended to correct what seems to be a typographic error in
the original draft. The original reads “participate fully, if they so
choose, through procedures determined by them”. This was probably
intended to be similar to the language in Article 19: “through
representatives chosen by them in accordance with their own procedures.”
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The second paragraph changes the
obligation of the state to obtain the consent of indigenous
peoples to an obligation to “seek” the consent. It should be observed
that this applies to all legislation and all administrative matters that
may affect them. The original would give indigenous peoples an
effective veto power over practically all general legislation of the
state.
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[Reflects reality that procedures may
not have been determined by indigenous peoples but reinforces that they
should be “actively involved” in legislative or administrative measures
effecting them. “seek” affirms principle of obtaining consent as far
as possible.]
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Article 21 is changed in two ways in the
second sentence. The first change to strike “have been” and replace it
with “are” appears to make the sentence forward-looking only, that is,
applying only to situations where indigenous peoples are deprived of
their means of subsistence today or in the future. However, the words
“are deprived” could refer to situations where indigenous peoples are
today still deprived of their subsistence even though the situation has
existed for a long time. The second change substituting “effective
mechanisms for redress” for “compensation” appears to be an improvement
in the text, including compensation as well as other forms of redress or
remedy.
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[A27 deals with past wrongs. This is
forward looking. There is support for use of the wider term “redress”
in place of “restitution” which may not always be possible. Obligation
placed on States is to provide effective mechanisms for obtaining
redress.]
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Article 22 is changed in an important
way. The original draft called upon states to take special measures to
overcome the extraordinary conditions of extreme poverty and deprivation
that characterize many indigenous communities. Correcting this grave
moral and social wrong was one of the most important reasons for
undertaking to define the human rights of indigenous peoples. The
redrafted article would obligate states only to provide equal or
non-discriminatory measures to alleviate poverty and improve
conditions. This redraft would be a deeply disturbing step back from
one of the most important and fundamental goals of this entire process.
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[Can be no special measures (basic
criteria is need): indigenous right is equal to that of other citizens.
Focus is on addressing disadvantage – ICESCR grants right to improvement
in “living conditions” but not the specific list (eg vocational
training) which follows. Established international language.]
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Article 23 is changed to provide that
indigenous peoples do not have the right to “determine and develop”
state economic and social programmes affecting them, but rather have the
right to “be actively involved in determining and developing” these
programmes.
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[The right is to be “actively
involved” – democratically-elected representatives have the right to
make final decisions.]
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Article 24 is changed to provide that
indigenous peoples have a right to “maintain their health practices”
rather than a “right to ... their health practices.” They also have a
right to “conservation” rather than “protection” of vital medicinal
plants, animals and minerals. It is not clear whether there is any real
significance to these changes. Likewise the changes in the second
paragraph may have little or no effect on the meaning. The question is
whether the proposed phrase “social and health services” has the same
meaning as “medical institutions” and “medical care.” Finally, there is
a new paragraph establishing an “equal right to the highest attainable
standard of physical and mental health.”
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[“to maintain” for clarification.
“protection” difficult to define, “conservation” sought by indigenous
representatives in previous working group sessions. Broadening to cover
all social and health services. New paragraph to strengthen equal
rights of indigenous individuals for access to health services.
Language draws on ICESCR Article 12.1]
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Article 25 has been changed to remove
reference to indigenous peoples’ distinctive spiritual and material
relationship to lands, territories and resources they have
traditionally owned, or otherwise occupied or used.” In the new
draft, the special relationship would be recognized with respect to
“their” land – whatever that may be. What is indigenous land would
apparently be determined by state law, in conformity with Articles 26
and 27. A similar change is made in Article 26. The effect of this
change is to defeat one of the most important purposes of the draft
declaration: to recognize and protect the ownership rights and distinct
relationship of indigenous peoples to the lands, territories and
resources that they hold by aboriginal right (long traditional
ownership, use and occupancy) but without formal legal title recognized
by the state. It is also defeats the central purpose of assuring that
states do not give inferior legal status to indigenous peoples’
aboriginal property rights. This is an enormous problem in many parts
of the world, and Saami participants have informed us that aboriginal
rights are a critical issue in Nordic countries. The importance of this
issue was given particular attention in the Working Paper on indigenous
peoples and their relationship to land, prepared by Special Rapporteur
Eric Daes. By failing to recognize the obligation of states to
recognize and protect indigenous peoples’ rights to their traditionally
held lands and resources, this draft would fall below the international
law standard established on this matter by the Inter-American Court of
Human Rights in the Case of Awas Tingni v. Nicargaua in 1991.
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[“their” draws on CERD General
Recommendation 23. Third party rights are addressed in additions
elsewhere. Many countries have difficulty determining what is
“traditionally owned, or otherwise occupied or used.”]
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Article 26 suffers from the same deletion
of the material concerning aboriginal rights. This draft also deletes
the long list of the many kinds of lands, territories and resources that
must be considered. While it is not clear that the long list is really
necessary, there does not seem to be a sound reason for deleting it.
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Last year, a number of indigenous
participants supported a group of recommendations to improve and
strengthen these articles on lands and resources. These recommendations
still appear to be called for.
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[“their” draws on CERD General
Recommendation 23. Prescriptive lists can be exclusive and limiting.
In discussions on other articles indigenous representatives have
repeatedly argued that the Declaration should not cover specific
domestic circumstances.]
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Article 27 is changed to strengthen
somewhat the requirement on states to provide effective legal remedies
for the loss of indigenous lands, territories and resources. However,
the proposed deletion of the final sentence would mean that indigenous
peoples would not necessarily have a right to substitute lands,
territories and resources as a remedy.
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[Use of the wider term “redress” in
place of compensation has been supported by some States and members of
the indigenous caucus. States are obliged to provide effective
mechanisms for obtaining redress.]
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Article 28, in the original draft,
required the states to conserve, restore and protect the environment and
the productive capacity of indigenous lands, territories and resources
and to provide assistance for this purpose. The proposal would provide
that indigenous peoples have a right to the conservation and protection
of their lands, but not the “restoration” of them. Indigenous peoples
would not necessarily have a right to assistance, only an equal right
with others to any available assistance. This is a substantial
reduction in the obligations that would be placed on states. The final
sentence forbidding military activities on indigenous lands without
consent is deleted entirely. However, the right of indigenous peoples
to own and occupy their own lands is provided for in Article 26, and
this would normally include the right to exclude others, including the
military under normal circumstances. Yet, the added sentence clearly
implies that states may use indigenous lands for military purposes,
provided only that the indigenous people be consulted. This does not
provide any serious limitations upon the intrusion that states may make
on indigenous lands. This would seem to contradict Article 26. One
might expect that, at a minimum, such use of indigenous lands might be
limited to national emergencies and that appropriate compensation be
paid.
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[In some circumstances “restoration”
is not possible. No clarity about meaning of “total” environment.
Indigenous peoples have an equal rather than special right; must be
within available resources. Adds obligation for States to consult.]
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Article 29 is an entirely new
substitute. One effect of this substitute is to remove the description
of some of the forms of intellectual or related forms of property for
which indigenous peoples need protection. The substitute language is
fairly broad and covers most but not necessarily all of the forms of
property itemized in the original draft. Some of the items in the
original draft may not be covered under the terms “intellectual property
and tangible manifestations of their cultural and intellectual
property.”
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[Still under consideration pending
discussions in other fora (eg WIPO).]
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Article 30 has been changed to permit
states to develop indigenous peoples’ resources and lands without the
consent of the indigenous people. This is obviously unacceptable and no
doubt discriminatory. This Article, with the proposed amendments, would
be directly in conflict with the rights to lands and resources
recognized in Articles 25 and 26. It may be that the drafters did not
understand the scope of the change they proposed. This must be
discussed with the sponsoring states. On the other hand, it may not be
necessary to require consent of the indigenous people concerned with
respect to all projects that “affect” in any way their lands,
territories and resources. Affecting indigenous land and resources in
very insubstantial or trivial ways may not require consent. This needs
some further redrafting.
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[“seek” affirms principle of
obtaining consent as far as possible (consistent with replacement in
A20). “their” to clarify that the right applies only to resources owned
by indigenous peoples. There is support for use of the wider term
“redress” in place of “restitution” which may not always be possible.
States are obliged to provide effective mechanisms for obtaining
redress.]
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Article 31 is changed by striking out the
list of specific subjects that would be within indigenous peoples’
powers of autonomy or self-government. These items were listed as being
included in the terms “internal and local affairs.” Without this list,
there is no definition that would suggest what is included in these
terms. On the other hand, it is true that the original draft should
have included the words “among other things” so as to ensure that the
list of topics was not exclusive. Striking the list adds the risk that
states may interpret the terms “internal and local affairs” in an
unfairly restrictive manner.
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[List deleted as prescriptive lists
can be exclusive and thus limiting.]
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Article 32 has been changed in a way that
confuses the concepts of identity and citizenship. The original
provided that each indigenous people has the right to determine its own
“citizenship”, meaning determine who is a citizen or member of the
indigenous people concerned. The proposal substitutes “identity” for
“citizenship”, changing the meaning entirely. The aim of this article
is to prevent interference with the power of an indigenous community,
society or other group to determine who is a member of the group. This
important right would be entirely lost under the proposed draft. The
sponsors’ comment suggests that this redrafting may have been a mistake.
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[Distinguishes self-identification and
full citizenship, and confirms right to both.]
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Article 33 is the second article that has
been redrafted for the purpose of avoiding the recognition of indigenous
legal systems. Moving the words “juridical customs” has the effect of
avoiding the reading that “juridical” would refer to “juridical
procedures and practices” as well as customs in the original version.
Requiring that states respect indigenous legal systems, legal practices
and legal procedures, that is “juridical” systems, practices and
procedures, is one of the central rights sought in this declaration.
This change would not entirely rule out indigenous legal systems but
would reduce the right significantly.
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[“juridical” shifted to clarify that
it applies to customs but not to remainder of list (ie “procedures and
practises” which could mean a separate legal system). Change for
consistency throughout text (stronger reference).]
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Article 34 places a certain limit on the
powers of indigenous self-government. When an indigenous people adopts
laws governing citizens of the community or people, it must do so in
accordance with international human rights standards, just as states
must do. Similar requirements that international law standards be met
have been added elsewhere in the draft.
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There is also a new paragraph that
announces two general principles or rules that should be applied by
states in situations where there is a conflict or “tension” between
collective rights and individual rights or between indigenous rights and
the rights of others. The rules are that in resolving such conflicts
states shall take account of the interests protected by each right (and
presumably attempt to protect all such interests) and secondly to take
account of the responsibility of the government to govern for the good
of all. These are merely general rules, and they are not stated as the
only rules to be applied in resolving situations where there is a
conflict of rights. This appears to be a relatively modest approach to
dealing with the general problem of conflicts of rights or “third party
rights”.
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[Sets primacy of international human
rights standards New paragraph provides mechanism for resolving any
tensions between individual/collective and indigenous/third-party rights
by balancing the various rights and not holding the whole Declaration
hostage to “legitimate third party rights”. With this addition there is
no need to qualify several other articles.]
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Article 35 is redrafted to correct an
apparent mistake in the original, which provided that indigenous peoples
have the right to maintain contacts and relations with “other peoples
across borders.” The original failed to say that contacts could be
maintained with members or citizens of the same group or people across
borders. There is also a change in the second sentence to say that
states must “promote” rather than “ensure” that these rights are
exercised and implemented. Again, it was a simple mistake of drafting
in the original to suggest that states must ensure that indigenous
peoples exercise this right. “Promote” seems a reasonable substitute.
[The third apparent mistake in this article is that it fails to give
indigenous individuals the right to maintain contacts across
borders with other members of their people or group. This mistake is
not corrected in this proposal.]
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[Some indigenous peoples spread across
boundaries have asked for States to consider this amendment. State may
not be able to “ensure”.]
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Article 36 is redrafted to call for the
submission of conflicts over treaties and other agreements to be
submitted first to national bodies or processes for negotiation or
resolution, and if these do not operate or are unreasonably slow, then
the conflict may be submitted to an international body agreed to by all
parties. This is practically no change at all from the original draft,
which stated that such disputes “which cannot otherwise be settled” will
be submitted to an agreed-upon international body. The change makes it
clear that a conflict that could be resolved through a national body or
process must be submitted there first, unless the process is not working
or is unreasonably slow.
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[Reference to competent domestic
dispute resolution processes in the first instance or, if none operate,
to the international sphere.]
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Article 37 is redrafted to make it
somewhat less commanding to states. As the sponsors’ comment suggests,
the last sentence of this article is stricken to make the obligation of
states to enact legislation less clear or less mandatory, though it does
not remove the obligation altogether. It is not clear that this change
actually makes any substantive change in the meaning and effect of the
article.
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[The intention is that States bring
practice and law into line but this is not a Convention which can
require States to change national legislation.]
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Article 38 is redrafted to lessen
somewhat the obligation of states to provide financial and technical
resources to enable indigenous peoples to pursue their political,
economic, social, cultural and spiritual development and for the
enjoyment of the rights and freedoms recognized in the declaration.
Under this proposal, indigenous peoples would have the right, not to
“adequate resources”, but just to “resources”. These resources would be
not for all that was in the original, but for the enjoyment of the
rights contained in this declaration and in other human rights
instruments.
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[Indigenous peoples have the right to
access assistance but governments retain the right to set fiscal policies
(ie the level of assistance). Sets the right in the context of all
international HR instruments.]
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Article 39 concerns the right to judicial
remedies, and the redraft of this article appears to strengthen the right
without any negative consequences. The added reference to third parties
provides that remedies must be provided where there are disputes with
parties other than the state. This is an established human right and
should have been included in the original draft. The other change is to
provide that the remedy must take into account international human rights
standards. This is also an established right.
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[Suggestion that this right should apply
to disputes with “third parties” as well as States. Places rights within
international human rights standards.]
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Article 40 is unchanged.
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Article 41 is redrafted to take account of
the creation of the UN Permanent Forum since the original drafting of this
article. There appears to be no significant change in effect, except that
the UN bodies concerned include those at the country level. The Permanent
Forum is charged with the duty of following up on the effectiveness of
this declaration. The words “follow up” might well be changed to “monitor
and assess” to make the meaning more clear. That appears to be what is
meant by the proposed change.
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[Updates to recognise establishment of
the Permanent Forum for Indigenous Peoples
- Not all UN bodies
are relevant. Broadens to include operations at country level. Adds
follow-up clause. This is important to help ensure the Declaration is a
living document.]
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Article 42 is unchanged.
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Article 43 is unchanged.
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Article 44 is unchanged.
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Article 45 is redrafted to expand on and
clarify the original meaning and to reduce somewhat the possible
limitation on the rights in this declaration. This change improves and
strengthens the rights in the declarations by removing the suggestion that
the exercise of the rights might somehow be contrary to the UN Charter in
ways other than violating the human rights and freedoms of others. There
does not appear to be any negative aspect to this proposed change.
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[Near consensus on this amended article
which was set for provisional adoption at WGDD9.]
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