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- Statement of the Haudenosaunee,
the Citizen Potawatomi Nation,
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Center
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- Concerning the Proposals Relating to
Self-Determination
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- September 20, 2004
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This
statement is made on behalf of the Haudenosaunee or Six Nations Confederacy,
the Citizen Potawatomi Nation, and the Indian Law Resource Center. We
appreciate very much the efforts of the CRP 1 sponsors and the efforts of
the group of indigenous participants who made a proposal on Friday, all
aimed at achieving consensus on the provisions in the declaration relating
to self-determination.
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We cannot
support the proposal made last Friday, because, without intending to, it
would nullify or undermine the efforts of indigenous peoples and many
states to secure a real right of self-determination for indigenous peoples
as distinct peoples located within countries. We have an amendment to
propose that could allow us to support the proposal.
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What we seek
and what other indigenous participants seek is the genuine right of
indigenous peoples, as distinct collectivities, to be self-determining and
self-governing in their own right and not only as part of the whole people
of the countries where they are located. This right of self-determination
for indigenous peoples as distinct peoples is not yet clearly expressed,
nor fully protected in international law, though many countries
acknowledge it and respect it in practice and although many authorities
have pointed out the tremendous value such a right would have as a part of
international law.
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The relevant
international law is made up of customary law and treaty law.
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The
customary law of self-determination, embodied mainly in three General
Assembly resolutions, provides detailed rules regarding self-determination
for colonial peoples and peoples of non-self-governing
territories, not for distinct peoples located within existing
countries.
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Customary
law provides, for example, that peoples in separate colonial
territories are entitled to freely determine their political status and to
control their own lands and natural resources, and it provides that the
whole people of a state or territory has the right to be free from alien
or foreign military occupation. Sadly, these rules have not in the
past protected groups such as indigenous peoples as distinct groups
within countries. But we believe that state practice and states’
understanding of the principles of self-determination have evolved greatly
in recent years and that customary international law should now clearly
express such a right in this declaration.
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The reason
for the limit on self-determination for groups within countries is the
principle of territorial integrity. Virtually every pronouncement of the
right of self-determination in the United Nations has been accompanied by
a forceful statement on territorial integrity.
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International treaty law on self-determination is found in common Article
1 of the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Covenant on
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, providing that, “All peoples have
the right of self-determination ... .” However, the entire history of the
negotiation of Article 1 and the text of the Article itself make it clear
that the phrase “All peoples” does not mean that indigenous peoples
located within countries are accorded any distinct right of
self-determination. The overwhelming preponderance of states and legal
authorities agree with this conclusion. Indigenous individuals and
peoples certainly have a right under the Covenants to self-determination
in the sense of meaningful access to government and participating in
political life as part of the whole people of the state, but not a
distinct right as indigenous peoples to their own
self-determination.
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We believe
that the principles of law, of justice and of logic all command
that indigenous peoples located within countries must have a right
of self-determination as distinct peoples, and we all fervently advocate
this. But, nearly all legal authorities agree that, regrettably,
international law has not yet expressly and clearly recognized such a
right for indigenous peoples located within countries. This is so despite
that fact that many countries accord various forms of self-determination
to indigenous peoples, many more countries believe such a right to be
desirable and required by principles of democracy, equality and justice,
and many eminent legal authorities believe the lack of such a right to be
a major flaw in international law today.
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It is one of
the primary purposes of this declaration to move the law forward by
clearly expressing and recognizing the emergence of the modern concept
that indigenous peoples have the right of self-determination as distinct
peoples located within states, without in any way changing the established
rules of territorial integrity. It is the proper function of declarations
such as this to clarify and express contemporary understanding of
the law, to crystalize the emergence of a right in customary law,
and to move ahead in the progressive development of international law. It
is not the purpose of a declaration to merely reaffirm present law and
prior expressions of the law. We are concerned that this would be the
effect of the proposal made on Friday and in CRP 1 concerning preambular
paragraph 15.
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Article 3,
as it stands, would not be contrary to present international law,
but it would move us forward by expressing a right which is clearly
emerging but which has not been clearly stated or articulated in
international law previously. Our concern with the proposals on
preambular paragraph 15 is that this clear expression of our emerging
right would be substantially nullified by saying it must be exercised in
conformity with principles that have existed in the past, principles that
do not recognize this right as a distinct right of peoples located within
states.
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The phrase
“including the principles in this declaration” does not solve the problem,
because the principles in the declaration that are not already
international law would not be included. Stating a principle or a right
in the declaration does not actually make it a principle of international
law.
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In our view,
states that wish to deny or severely limit our right of self-determination
will seize upon the proposed language for preambular paragraph 15. They
will assert that the right stated in Article 3 is nothing more than what
has been recognized in the past – mainly a right to participate as part of
the whole people of the state.
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Many
forward-looking states have said in these meetings and in the OAS that
they do indeed recognize or are prepared to recognize a distinct right of
indigenous peoples located within countries to self-determination,
provided it does not mean a right to secede. The proposal to change
preambular paragraph 15 will mean that what they have said they are
willing to do, will not after all be accomplished.
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What will be
lost if the proposed change is made will be the general right of
self-determination for indigenous peoples as distinct peoples within
countries. This is the general right of indigenous peoples to determine
their own destinies free from the domination and unjust interference of
others. It is this general right that gives context and direction to the
more specific and detailed rights in articles, 4, 21, 25, 26, 27, 31 and
others. For the many aspects of self-determination that are not spelled
out in the declaration, we must rely upon the general right in Article 3.
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For example,
if the proposal were accepted, the autonomy provided for in Article 31
would no longer be just one possible form for exercising the right of
self-determination, it would be the only one. This is because the
principles of international law do not clearly provide for any distinct
right for indigenous peoples – only the right to participate as part of
the whole people of the state. Thus, there would be no right to other
forms of self-determination such as arrangements negotiated in a compact
or treaty, or a form of self-government within the constitutional
framework of the state. Unless there is a general right of
self-determination going somewhat beyond previous understandings of
international law, there would be no right for indigenous peoples to
pursue these or other healthy and positive options for self-determination.
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Without a
general right of self-determination going slightly beyond previous law,
there would be no distinct right of indigenous peoples to “freely
pursue their economic, social and cultural development” (Article 3), only
the right to participate in the total political, economic and cultural
life of the state.
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Our proposal
is that the proposed change to preambular paragraph 15 be amended to read:
“exercised in conformity with principles of international law as
interpreted and declared in this Declaration.”
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With such an
amendment, we could consider supporting the proposal made last Friday and
the proposal in CRP 1. We are looking forward to hearing from the
Government of Canada its views about the meaning and significance of the new
preambular paragraph proposed last Friday.
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- Thank you Mr. Chairman.
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